Thank you very much for this opportunity to speak to you again.
Greenpeace released a report today analyzing the subsidies that are provided to the nuclear industry by this act. I hope you have received it by e-mail; it will also be provided to the clerk. Il y a aussi un résumé de ce rapport en français.
By way of introduction today, let me present a contrast. The federal government has provided $650 million in subsidies this year to Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd. for waste cleanup, designing its next-generation reactor, project cost overruns, and simply keeping the lights on. I think it's useful to contrast this subsidy from 2009 to AECL with the cap on liability proposed in this act.
I think it raises some common sense questions about whether Bill C-20 would in fact provide an adequate level of environmental and financial protection to Canadians from any potential future accident. I think it also underlines that this is an industry that can't afford itself. Indeed it raises an issue I spoke to you about previously, three weeks ago: despite receiving billions of dollars in direct and indirect subsidies over the past 50 years, this industry has failed to innovate, lower its costs, and build safe reactor designs.
Special protection for the nuclear industry and the framework for this liability regime date back to the 1950s, when American nuclear vendors feared being sued for the catastrophic damages if one of their reactors underwent an accident. This situation was originally supposed to be temporary, but the industry still needs it today.
Commendably, this government and past governments have begun a process to modernize Canada's nuclear industry by transferring the costs from the taxpayer to the industry through the privatization of AECL. Greenpeace believes that forcing this industry to take responsibility for itself, as any 50-year-old industry should, is a good thing for the taxpayer, for the environment, and, one could even argue, for the nuclear industry itself.
The Nuclear Liability and Compensation Act as it stands before you now is not a modern piece of legislation. It is still built on the 1950s legislative framework that prioritizes protection of the industry over citizens and the environment. Greenpeace would like to urge this committee and the minority Parliament in general today to work collaboratively to modernize this bill and, like the government's efforts to privatize AECL, force this industry to grow up. Such collaborative work would benefit taxpayers, victims of any potential nuclear accident, and nuclear safety, and it would aid Canada in meeting its commitments towards transitioning towards a more sustainable economy.
What follows is a summary of our concerns.
The liability cap, as it stands, shortchanges Canadian victims in industry compensation compared to those in other western countries. The cap under the revised Paris convention is over $1 billion Canadian. Japan and Sweden are moving in a similar direction, and other countries such as Germany, as Theresa mentioned, have completely removed the cap on operator liability.
This cap on liability also represents a hidden subsidy to nuclear power: the report that we released today estimates that the subsidy from the cap is equivalent to 5.4¢ to 11¢ a kilowatt hour. It's a huge subsidy. Based on the electricity output from Canada's reactors in 2007, the Nuclear Liability and Compensation Act would provide an implicit subsidy of $4.8 billion to $9.7 billion. This creates an unfair playing field for safer green energy technologies and contradicts Canada's commitment to sustainability and the polluter pays principle.
The $650 million cap also shifts responsibility for cleaning up nuclear accidents from the industry to the federal government. Much like the off-book liabilities that we witnessed recently with the cost overruns at the Point Lepreau nuclear station, these were theoretical risks; then suddenly this year, in 2009, the federal taxpayer had to dole out $300 million. This creates a massive unaccounted-for liability to the Canadian taxpayer. The federal government has failed to carry out, to our knowledge, any studies to tell Canadians how large this liability actually is or to develop any mechanisms for reducing it or eliminating it over time.
Industry studies show that even just the health consequences of a catastrophic accident at the Pickering B nuclear station would total over $52 billion. Again, that is a significant off-book liability, and from an accounting framework, it's not too responsible.
Our long-term commitment to the polluter pays principle requires that we, at a minimum, put in place mechanisms to track, reduce, and eliminate this liability, that is, transfer nuclear risks from the taxpayer back onto the industry. I would ask this committee to examine ways of revising the bill in order to do this.
Greenpeace also questions the adequacy of the federal risk studies used to support the $650 million liability cap for so-called foreseeable nuclear accidents. Greenpeace would like to note that the nuclear risk studies are increasingly being withheld from the public, raising transparency issues. Under the proposed Nuclear Liability and Compensation Act, risks are public, and we deserve the ability to scrutinize and assess the risks imposed on us.
Other industry studies contradict the $650 million cap. For example, a foreseeable nuclear accident at the Pickering B Nuclear Station, if calculated out, would surpass $1 billion. So in terms of the government's own criteria for setting the cap, it's not meeting that criteria.
Finally, at a high level, this act ignores Canada's modern commitments and legal obligations to sustainability and the polluter pays principle. Indeed, the Nuclear Liability Act breaks this principle and requires Canadians to pay, potentially, for the industry's pollution.
Fundamentally, many of my affirmation concerns regarding transparency, financial, and environmental risks imposed on the public would be addressed if this act was amended to acknowledge and implement Canada's goals towards sustainability. On this point, I would like to speculate why this legislation has overlooked Canada's commitment to sustainability.
Minister Raitt, just two weeks ago, told this committee that the Nuclear Liability and Compensation Act:
...is the culmination of years of consultation involving extensive discussions with major stakeholders, including nuclear utilities, the governments of nuclear power generating provinces, and the Nuclear Insurance Association of Canada--and it has received broad support.
Support from industry, that is to say. She omits any mention of consultation with the Canadian public or, for example, municipal governments that would be negatively impacted by a nuclear accident.
Greenpeace acquired, through access to information, a 2004 Natural Resources briefing note that explicitly acknowledged that consultations with non-industry stakeholders were being avoided during the development of this bill. The document stated, and I quote:
Consultation with non-industry organizations is an issue. Municipalities, environmental groups, and the general public have not been consulted.
Another extract from the document reads:
Consultations with non-industry groups would attract a fair amount of attention.
Similar to most studies in the nuclear industry, government has avoided broader public consultation to avoid, I would add, justified criticism and scrutiny of this act.
Mr. Elston noted that this act has been delayed a number of times because Parliament has been prorogued. I would also note in other documents we've acquired through access to information dating from 2004 that the nuclear industry was advising the industry not to table this legislation at that point. I'm not sure why, but it didn't seem politically convenient. So we should have room to have a bit of a step back on this one.
All in all, this has resulted in a bill that prioritizes industry interests, shortchanges Canadians, and ignores the federal government's modern legal obligations to sustainability. I would urge this committee, then, to work collaboratively to create better legislation that is in the public interest and not solely in the industry's interest.
At a high level, Greenpeace recommends the following: increase the insurance cap to at least 700 million euros, or about $1 billion Canadian, that is, the industry-insured norm in western countries; above that, remove the liability cap and transfer risk back onto the industry—countries such as Germany have done this, and Sweden just received a report recommending they do this just three weeks ago—and acknowledge Canada's commitments to sustainability and the polluter pays principle in the goals of the act. These factors should be a driving motivation in future revisions of the act, such as the five-year review on the liability cap.
With regard to the five-year reviews, future reviews must address the lack of public transparency we've seen with the current act; that is to say, they should not be simply at the discretion of the minister, as it is currently worded.
Such reviews must explicitly consider and report to what extent the Nuclear Liability Act distorts electricity markets by subsidizing nuclear operators, and a motivating objective of future reviews should be the polluter pays principle.
Finally, we've heard from some colleagues today about the Convention on Supplementary Compensation. We should probably have a broader discussion about that.
My understanding of that convention is that it also would leave Canada open, potentially, to paying for the cost of accidents overseas, so if an accident signs on another member of the convention, Canadian taxpayers may be on the hook for that as well. Given that this would be a Canadian liability, we should probably have a broader discussion about that.
That concludes my remarks.